نايف حواتمة _ ساعة حوار / الاتجاه 23 10 2013
Showing posts with label Fath. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fath. Show all posts
Wednesday, October 23, 2013
Friday, September 27, 2013
Is Fatah's Armed Wing Making Comeback?
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Palestinian Fatah members carry their weapons as they take part in a parade to mark the 65th anniversary of the Nakba in the Palestinian refugee camp Ein al-Hilweh, near the port city of Sidon, southern Lebanon, May 15, 2013. (photo by REUTERS/Ali Hashisho)
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RAMALLAH, West Bank — The deaths of two Israeli soldiers last weekend, in the West Bank towns of Qalqilya on Sept. 21 and Hebron on Sept. 22, significantly added to the insecurity that has prevailed in the West Bank since the resumption of negotiations on July 30. The West Bank witnessed a number of incursions in August by Israeli occupation forces that left six martyrs.
The succession of events now gives the impression that the third intifada is drawing near, presaging the collapse of peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis. It also indicates that the armed Palestinian resistance movement had resumed its activities, with Israel holding Fatah’s Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades responsible for the death of the Israeli soldier in Hebron. But, Fatah al-Intifada, which broke away from Fatah decades ago, quickly claimed responsibility for this operation, the circumstances of which remain unclear.
Omar Abu Arkoub, a journalist specializing in the Hebrew press, told Al-Monitor that the Israeli media “had hastened to hold the Fatah-affiliated Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades responsible for the Hebron operation, and began inciting against Fatah and the Palestinian Authority [PA]. [Israeli media outlets] accused the PA of not condemning the killing of Israelis, and even claiming that some of the PA’s leaders were also guilty of incitement.”
Fueling this Israeli incitement campaign were fiery statements that spread among the Palestinian populace by Hebron native and member of Fatah’s Central Committee, Abbas Zaki, who affirmed in press statements that the Israeli soldier killed in Hebron was not there on a picnic.
Israeli accusations aimed at Fatah, fiery statements by some Fatah leaders, the scrutinization of the political identities of martyrs who fell in Qalandia’s two refugee camps near Ramallah and in the Jenin refugee camp, as well as the armed skirmishes between security forces and some Fatah members in the Nablus camps, all lead to the belief that Fatah’s military wing had returned to the forefront of Palestinian armed resistance in the West Bank. This is alongside a small presence by the Islamic Jihad’s Al-Quds Brigades, a member of which was assassinated by occupation forces in the Jenin camp on Sept. 17.
“The Israelis have in the past accused the Al-Aqsa Martyrs and Al-Quds Brigades of controlling Palestinian refugee camps, particularly in the northern areas of the West Bank, which constitutes a threat to Israel and the PA alike,” Khalil Chahine, a writer and political analyst at the Palestinian Center for Policy Research and Strategic Studies, stated to Al-Monitor.
Despite his assertion about the existence of “difficulties in casting blame for the Qalqilya and Hebron operations as a result of increasing Israeli violations that provide fertile ground for the development of organized or individual Palestinian resistance efforts,” Chahine added, “Proving that the Al-Aqsa Brigades were responsible for the death of the two soldiers would result in great problems for Fatah, the leaders of which are conducting negotiations with Israel.”
“A statement by Fatah al-Intifada was circulated in the media claiming responsibility for the death of the Israeli soldier in Hebron. Here, we must differentiate between Fatah and Fatah al-Intifada, which broke away from Fatah that is now leading the peace process, and emphasize the hostile nature of the relationship between the two,” prominent Fatah leader Nabil Amro affirmed to Al-Monitor.
Fatah al-Intifada is a Palestinian faction that split from Fatah in 1983 to oppose Yasser Arafat with Syrian support. It is still active in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon, and had not previously played a role in the Palestinian occupied territories prior to the Hebron operation, which it quickly claimed responsibility for in a statement that was published in the media.
But, according to Chahine, what increases the likelihood that the Al-Aqsa Brigades are responsible for the two operations is “the public appearance of armed Al-Aqsa Brigades elements in the Nablus and Jenin camps in the north of the West Bank. This probably means that internal disputes are raging inside Fatah on the one hand, and between the security agencies and armed Fatah members on the other.”
“All the names being circulated — such as the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades' Hebron Knights, the Yasser Arafat Brigades and others — are all pseudonyms for the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the military arm of Fatah. The different nomenclatures came probably as a result of the fact that most Al-Aqsa Brigades members signed pledges with Israel and the PA not to engage in any armed actions in return for pardons and promises not to be targeted for assassination or arrest, as stipulated by the US Dayton Plan of 2006, which aimed to dismantle the Al-Aqsa Brigades military wing and replace its military leaders with political leaders,” according to a young Fatah leader who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity.
Ahmed Abu al-Azm, an academic and political analyst at Birzeit University in the West Bank, believes that there are still Palestinians who welcome military operations and endorse armed resistance without conditions or strategies.
“Those who support military operations against Israeli occupation may not belong to any specific political faction, or may be members of Fatah who still proclaim belonging to the latter’s military wing, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, and who spearheaded military operations during the Qalandia refugee camp invasion of August 2013 and the Qalqilya operation. It is certain that these operations greatly upset President Mahmoud Abbas, who does not endorse armed resistance; his anger further exacerbated by the fact that some members of Fatah, which he heads, sanction and insist on this type of resistance effort,” Abu al-Azm said.
In light of this, no one was surprised by the media squabbling that took place between Palestinian and Israeli outlets concerning Abbas’ position about the killing of the two soldiers. For a while, the Palestinian media outlets relayed his statement word for word: “We condemn and denounce the killings and ask that Israelis also condemn the killings”; their Israeli counterparts merely said that Abbas condemned the killings and offered his condolences to the families of the soldiers.
The facts on the ground thus reflect the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades’ return to the resistance scene on the West Bank, in a manner that goes beyond mere accusations made against them by occupation forces, to actually engage those same forces in battle when they conduct night raids in refugee camps. These brigades are also silently clashing with factions inside Fatah itself, whose official stance insists on negotiations, while some of its members still insist on carrying arms and resisting.
Naela Khalil is a reporter for the Palestinian daily newspaper Al-Ayyam. She has reported for the UN humanitarian news and analysis agency IRIN, the UAE magazine Al Maraa el-Muslema, the Jordanian daily Al-Dustur and the An-Najah Office for Media and Journalism.
The succession of events now gives the impression that the third intifada is drawing near, presaging the collapse of peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis. It also indicates that the armed Palestinian resistance movement had resumed its activities, with Israel holding Fatah’s Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades responsible for the death of the Israeli soldier in Hebron. But, Fatah al-Intifada, which broke away from Fatah decades ago, quickly claimed responsibility for this operation, the circumstances of which remain unclear.
Omar Abu Arkoub, a journalist specializing in the Hebrew press, told Al-Monitor that the Israeli media “had hastened to hold the Fatah-affiliated Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades responsible for the Hebron operation, and began inciting against Fatah and the Palestinian Authority [PA]. [Israeli media outlets] accused the PA of not condemning the killing of Israelis, and even claiming that some of the PA’s leaders were also guilty of incitement.”
Fueling this Israeli incitement campaign were fiery statements that spread among the Palestinian populace by Hebron native and member of Fatah’s Central Committee, Abbas Zaki, who affirmed in press statements that the Israeli soldier killed in Hebron was not there on a picnic.
Israeli accusations aimed at Fatah, fiery statements by some Fatah leaders, the scrutinization of the political identities of martyrs who fell in Qalandia’s two refugee camps near Ramallah and in the Jenin refugee camp, as well as the armed skirmishes between security forces and some Fatah members in the Nablus camps, all lead to the belief that Fatah’s military wing had returned to the forefront of Palestinian armed resistance in the West Bank. This is alongside a small presence by the Islamic Jihad’s Al-Quds Brigades, a member of which was assassinated by occupation forces in the Jenin camp on Sept. 17.
“The Israelis have in the past accused the Al-Aqsa Martyrs and Al-Quds Brigades of controlling Palestinian refugee camps, particularly in the northern areas of the West Bank, which constitutes a threat to Israel and the PA alike,” Khalil Chahine, a writer and political analyst at the Palestinian Center for Policy Research and Strategic Studies, stated to Al-Monitor.
Despite his assertion about the existence of “difficulties in casting blame for the Qalqilya and Hebron operations as a result of increasing Israeli violations that provide fertile ground for the development of organized or individual Palestinian resistance efforts,” Chahine added, “Proving that the Al-Aqsa Brigades were responsible for the death of the two soldiers would result in great problems for Fatah, the leaders of which are conducting negotiations with Israel.”
“A statement by Fatah al-Intifada was circulated in the media claiming responsibility for the death of the Israeli soldier in Hebron. Here, we must differentiate between Fatah and Fatah al-Intifada, which broke away from Fatah that is now leading the peace process, and emphasize the hostile nature of the relationship between the two,” prominent Fatah leader Nabil Amro affirmed to Al-Monitor.
Fatah al-Intifada is a Palestinian faction that split from Fatah in 1983 to oppose Yasser Arafat with Syrian support. It is still active in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon, and had not previously played a role in the Palestinian occupied territories prior to the Hebron operation, which it quickly claimed responsibility for in a statement that was published in the media.
But, according to Chahine, what increases the likelihood that the Al-Aqsa Brigades are responsible for the two operations is “the public appearance of armed Al-Aqsa Brigades elements in the Nablus and Jenin camps in the north of the West Bank. This probably means that internal disputes are raging inside Fatah on the one hand, and between the security agencies and armed Fatah members on the other.”
“All the names being circulated — such as the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades' Hebron Knights, the Yasser Arafat Brigades and others — are all pseudonyms for the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the military arm of Fatah. The different nomenclatures came probably as a result of the fact that most Al-Aqsa Brigades members signed pledges with Israel and the PA not to engage in any armed actions in return for pardons and promises not to be targeted for assassination or arrest, as stipulated by the US Dayton Plan of 2006, which aimed to dismantle the Al-Aqsa Brigades military wing and replace its military leaders with political leaders,” according to a young Fatah leader who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity.
Ahmed Abu al-Azm, an academic and political analyst at Birzeit University in the West Bank, believes that there are still Palestinians who welcome military operations and endorse armed resistance without conditions or strategies.
“Those who support military operations against Israeli occupation may not belong to any specific political faction, or may be members of Fatah who still proclaim belonging to the latter’s military wing, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, and who spearheaded military operations during the Qalandia refugee camp invasion of August 2013 and the Qalqilya operation. It is certain that these operations greatly upset President Mahmoud Abbas, who does not endorse armed resistance; his anger further exacerbated by the fact that some members of Fatah, which he heads, sanction and insist on this type of resistance effort,” Abu al-Azm said.
In light of this, no one was surprised by the media squabbling that took place between Palestinian and Israeli outlets concerning Abbas’ position about the killing of the two soldiers. For a while, the Palestinian media outlets relayed his statement word for word: “We condemn and denounce the killings and ask that Israelis also condemn the killings”; their Israeli counterparts merely said that Abbas condemned the killings and offered his condolences to the families of the soldiers.
The facts on the ground thus reflect the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades’ return to the resistance scene on the West Bank, in a manner that goes beyond mere accusations made against them by occupation forces, to actually engage those same forces in battle when they conduct night raids in refugee camps. These brigades are also silently clashing with factions inside Fatah itself, whose official stance insists on negotiations, while some of its members still insist on carrying arms and resisting.
Naela Khalil is a reporter for the Palestinian daily newspaper Al-Ayyam. She has reported for the UN humanitarian news and analysis agency IRIN, the UAE magazine Al Maraa el-Muslema, the Jordanian daily Al-Dustur and the An-Najah Office for Media and Journalism.
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Saturday, August 17, 2013
Sham Peace Talks Continue
by Stephen Lendman
Why bother. Talks are doomed to fail. So did multiple previous rounds. Israel wants things its way. Demands masquerade as give and take.
According to one PLO official, “Israel will dodge, evade and propose unachievable demands to promote a conclusion that negotiations are futile, and so Israel will continue to steal lands as they are doing now.”
It’s hard imagining Palestinian officials agreeing to talks rigged to fail. Longtime Israeli collaborators do it willingly. It’s for generous benefits they derive. Crime pays well. So does betrayal.
On August 14, US/Israeli orchestrators met with PA’s Saeb Erekat and Fatah official Mohammed Shtayyeh.
He’s a technocrat. He’s managing director of the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR).
He’s founding member of the Palestinian Development Fund. He’s a former Palestinian public works and housing minister.
He’s a founding Palestinian Institute for Regional Studies member. He’s collaborating with Israel for personal self-interest.
Talks discussed guidelines and agenda issues. They did so despite Israel bombing Gaza. Warplanes fired missiles at multiple targets. Similar attacks happen often. Israel invents pretexts to do so. Innocent civilians die.
Talks continued despite Palestinian fishermen attacked at sea. They’re at the same time as outrage over accelerated settlement construction.
Stealing Palestinian land’s no olive branch. Nor is releasing 26 long held political prisoners. Their freedom’s subject to restrictions.
Some weren’t allowed to go home. They’re vulnerable to rearrest. In 2004, Yasser Arafat said “(t)here will be no peace until all Palestinian prisoners are released.” Palestinian supporters today feel the same way.
Thousands of Bedouins await dispossession. Israeli courts spurned them. Israel wants land they own. It wants it for exclusive Jewish development.
In July, a Beersheba court rejected Bedouins’ appeal. They urged delaying another court-ordered property demolition and dispossession ruling.
It’s their land. It doesn’t matter. On August 15, efforts to displace them began. They’re losing everything. Rogue states operate that way. Israel’s one of the worst.
One Sawah village resident spoke for others, saying:
“We requested that Israeli authorities give us a delay until we arrange to move into a neighborhood in the nearby village of Hurah which is being expanded, but they refused.”
Jewish rights alone matter. Palestinians ones don’t. Sham peace talks won’t change things. Decades of occupation harshness continue.
Expecting this time’s different reflects Einstein’s definition of insanity. Expecting success after decades of failure explains it. Israel’s worst government in history assures it.
Hardliners are all take and no give. US orchestrator John Kerry’s two-faced. He’s Israel’s man at State.
Publicly he’s concerned about settlement expansions. At the same time, he doesn’t think proceeding hampers talks.
Privately he’s comfortable with build, build, built. He’s been that way all along. In the Senate, he supported them for years.
He said we knew “there was going to be a continuation of some building in certain places, and I think the Palestinians understand that.”
Israel announced accelerated construction. Doing so reflects land grabbing writ large. It spurns equitable conflict resolution.
It reveals longstanding Israeli business as usual. It shows contempt for rule of law principles. It makes justice a four-letter word.
It exposes Washington’s true face. It’s in lockstep with whatever Israel does. Palestinian rights don’t matter. Talks won’t change things.
It bears repeating. Kerry is Israel’s man at State. He’s in lockstep with its worst policies. His pro-Israel voting record is second to none. He’s committed to maintaining a longstanding special relationship. Whatever Israel wants he’s for.
He’s always been that way. For sure he is now. He favors moving America’s embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.
Doing so is illegal. In 1947, the UN declared it an international city. It remains so today.
Kerry calls Jerusalem “Israel’s indisputable capital.” In 1999, he signed a letter criticizing Clinton for not moving America’s embassy there.
He ignored international law doing so. He’s throwing Palestinians under the bus. He pretends otherwise. He supports continued occupation harshness.
On August 13, Robert Fisk headlined “Any other ‘statesman’ who negotiated peace like John Kerry would be treated as a thief.”
“Has (he) no shame,” he asked? “First he cuddles up to both Palestinians and Israelis and announces the renewal of a ‘peace process which the Palestinians don’t trust and the Israelis don’t want.”
“Then Israel announces that it will build 1,200 new homes for Jews – and Jews only – on occupied Palestinian land.”
“And now Kerry tells the Palestinians – the weak and occupied Palestinians – that they are running out of time if they want a state of their own.”
“Then came the ultimate lie: that the ‘question of settlements’ is ‘best resolved by solving the problem of security and borders.’ ”
Doing so justifies lawless land grabbing. Millions worldwide condemn it. So do many Israelis.
Kerry “go(es) all out for ‘peace.’ ” He does so on Israeli terms. “Cabined, cribbed (and) confined” Palestinians have to “shut up” and accept them.
Kerry insists “hurry, hurry, hurry. Book your seats now, or it will be a full house,” said Fisk. ‘What price ‘Palestine?’ ”
Over decades, Washington vetoed 39 Security Council resolutions criticizing Israel. In 2011, it blocked one condemning continued settlement construction. All other SC members supported it. So do over 90% of world community members.
At the time, US officials claimed resolution backing harmed peace prospects. How wasn’t explained. Arab street reaction expressed outrage. It did so justifiably. America’s position is untenable.
Palestinian political prisoner Marwan Barghouti calls Washington’s one-sided Israeli support a crime against humanity. Bouthaina Shaaban condemned America’s veto, saying:
“The importance of what is happening today in the Arab world is the fall of the colonial dimension of the official regime, which has ignored the crimes against humanity in Palestine¦”
America’s veto reflects “eternal shame for western ‘democracies…’ (L)ike tens of other(s), (it) contributed to the perpetuation of Israeli suppression of the Palestinian people, colonizing their land, expelling and condemning them to life in refugee camps.”
MJ Rosenberg said:
“It is not hard to explain the Obama administration’s decision to veto a resolution embodying positions that we support.”
“It is the power of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), which (lobbied) furiously for a US veto.”
One-sided Israeli support is “why US standing in the Middle East will continue to deteriorate.”
Akiva Eldar thanked Obama. He did so for showing “his true colors.” He’s “two-faced.”
“The lame excuse that denunciation of construction in the settlements would harm ‘the peace process’ constitutes a victory of opportunism over morality,” he said.
Yaron London said Israel’s “relying on a sinking superpower that is abandoning its pretenses to lead the world”
Haaretz editors said “Palestinians lost the vote, (but) achieved their goal: They exposed for all to see the international isolation of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s administration and embarrassed the US.”
“The world’s patience over continued construction in the settlements is wearing thin.” Other observers agree. In time, it’ll be entirely gone.
Peace prospects remain distant. One day Palestinians will be free. Occupation harshness can’t last forever. What can’t go on forever, won’t.
Hopefully time will resolve injustice. Some things are worth waiting for. Peace, equity and justice matter most. Patience brings its own reward.
Edmond Burke said it “achieve(s) more than force.” Rousseau called it “bitter, but its fruit is sweet.”
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago. He can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.
His new book is titled "Banker Occupation: Waging Financial War on Humanity."
Visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com.
Listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network.
It airs Fridays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.
http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour
Tuesday, July 23, 2013
Palestine: Abbas Embarks on Empty Negotiations
These statements were probably behind Abbas’ decision to issue a circular indicating who is allowed to speak in the name of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the presidency. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
Ramallah – Without consulting the people or representatives, the Palestinian leadership decided to unilaterally return to negotiations. The Palestinian street is being kept in the dark, while its leaders get ready for a new round of the Oslo negotiations concerning their destiny.
Although the Israeli press is buzzing with statements and positions by Israeli leaders, Palestinian officials are keeping mum about behind-the-scene agreements. This led Israeli Channel 10 reporter Ohad Ben Hamo to conclude his report from the presidential headquarters in Ramallah by declaring, "The Palestinian street is apathetic concerning the resumption of negotiations."
In the past two days, the only statement was a brief reply by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to Jordanian al-Rai newspaper. "Negotiation is the first choice for Palestinians wanting to create a Palestinian state," he maintained. "We have achieved choices that will safeguard our people's rights."
On the other hand, Israeli Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, who will be meeting chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat next week in Washington, maintained that the negotiations will uphold Israeli interests, "as a Jewish democratic state."
However, leaks to the media indicate that US Secretary of State John Kerry provided Abbas with guarantees that negotiations will be based on the 1967 borders and Israel's agreement for a "calm freeze" on settlements, without announcing it publicly. In addition, Israel will also release prisoners "with blood on their hands," as it calls them, but without indicating who they were and how many will be set free.
The leaks also speak about the Palestinian Authority's commitment to continuing negotiations for at least nine months and providing guarantees to halt any steps against Israel in international organizations.
On the economic level, there is talk about an attractive economic package presented by Kerry to the Palestinians, which includes allowing the construction of a small plane airport in the West Bank and initiating vital projects in locations adjacent to Area C, in addition to facilitating the movement of Palestinians and international troops in the Jordan Valley.
Palestinian factions unanimously rejected the Palestinian leadership's return to negotiations. Opposition voices were loud, even inside Fatah. "It is clear that this leadership is fluent in the language of militancy," said Fatah leader Nabil Amr. "However, it ultimately surrenders to the status quo." Amr continued that this is "a leadership crisis and not a political one."
Fatah central committee member Abbas Zaki mentioned pressures by Arab countries on Abbas to return to the table with Israel.
These statements were probably behind Abbas’ decision to issue a circular indicating who is allowed to speak in the name of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the presidency, namely Nabil Abu Rudeina and Yasser Abed Rabbo.
Hamas, on the other hand, considered the return to negotiations as "a major prize for the extremist occupation government." Islamic Jihad on its part said it was "reproducing failure and a departure from national consent."
Speaking to Al-Akhbar, Palestinian National Initiative Secretary General Mustafa Barghouti said, "The Palestinian National Initiative believes that we should not go into negotiations without altering the power balance, commitment to clear benchmarks, and a complete cessation of settlement activities."
"There are no current indicators that these negotiations will fulfill such terms," Barghouti continued. "Thus, we do not see any use of entering into them."
"Kerry's announced something fragile that could collapse at any moment. Until today, the US has not provided written guarantees that negotiations are based on clear measures. There are no guarantees that the Israelis will stop their settlement activities during the negotiations," he added.
"This poses a great threat since we do not want the Oslo sin to be repeated. The number of settlers is now 650,000, up from 150,000 at the time of signature," Barghouti warned. "There are also no confirmed indicators that Israel is willing to commit to a government decision to free the detainees."
When asked if the Palestinian leadership had informed them of the "consensus formula" mentioned by Kerry, Barghouti replied, "As far as we know, there is nothing concrete related to the demands. Thus the position has not changed yet."
Speaking to Al-Akhbar, PFLP-GC political leader in Palestine Hossam Arafat, called on the Palestinian Authority to "immediately retract its agreement to go back to negotiations and announce a referendum of the Palestinian people on the issue." He described the step as "a blatant and explicit liquidation of the Palestinian cause."
"Returning to negotiations at this time and under US and Israeli conditions is a very dangerous political step," Arafat explained. "It expresses the mainstream Palestinian mentality concerning the major issues. I believe the Palestinian president is duping the Palestinian people. He made a unilateral decision to return to negotiations, despite the settlement assault and Judaization of Jerusalem."
Perhaps the most notable position was given by PFLP politburo member Rabah Mohanna. He called for "holding President Mahmoud Abbas and the PLO executive committee accountable for making a decision to go back to negotiations, in violation of the rules of the council."
He called on "Palestinian masses at home and in the diaspora to go out in mass demonstrations against negotiations, which are destructive and harmful to the Palestinian cause."
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Although the Israeli press is buzzing with statements and positions by Israeli leaders, Palestinian officials are keeping mum about behind-the-scene agreements. This led Israeli Channel 10 reporter Ohad Ben Hamo to conclude his report from the presidential headquarters in Ramallah by declaring, "The Palestinian street is apathetic concerning the resumption of negotiations."
In the past two days, the only statement was a brief reply by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to Jordanian al-Rai newspaper. "Negotiation is the first choice for Palestinians wanting to create a Palestinian state," he maintained. "We have achieved choices that will safeguard our people's rights."
On the other hand, Israeli Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, who will be meeting chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat next week in Washington, maintained that the negotiations will uphold Israeli interests, "as a Jewish democratic state."
However, leaks to the media indicate that US Secretary of State John Kerry provided Abbas with guarantees that negotiations will be based on the 1967 borders and Israel's agreement for a "calm freeze" on settlements, without announcing it publicly. In addition, Israel will also release prisoners "with blood on their hands," as it calls them, but without indicating who they were and how many will be set free.
The leaks also speak about the Palestinian Authority's commitment to continuing negotiations for at least nine months and providing guarantees to halt any steps against Israel in international organizations.
On the economic level, there is talk about an attractive economic package presented by Kerry to the Palestinians, which includes allowing the construction of a small plane airport in the West Bank and initiating vital projects in locations adjacent to Area C, in addition to facilitating the movement of Palestinians and international troops in the Jordan Valley.
Palestinian factions unanimously rejected the Palestinian leadership's return to negotiations. Opposition voices were loud, even inside Fatah. "It is clear that this leadership is fluent in the language of militancy," said Fatah leader Nabil Amr. "However, it ultimately surrenders to the status quo." Amr continued that this is "a leadership crisis and not a political one."
Fatah central committee member Abbas Zaki mentioned pressures by Arab countries on Abbas to return to the table with Israel.
These statements were probably behind Abbas’ decision to issue a circular indicating who is allowed to speak in the name of the Palestine Liberation Organization and the presidency, namely Nabil Abu Rudeina and Yasser Abed Rabbo.
Hamas, on the other hand, considered the return to negotiations as "a major prize for the extremist occupation government." Islamic Jihad on its part said it was "reproducing failure and a departure from national consent."
Speaking to Al-Akhbar, Palestinian National Initiative Secretary General Mustafa Barghouti said, "The Palestinian National Initiative believes that we should not go into negotiations without altering the power balance, commitment to clear benchmarks, and a complete cessation of settlement activities."
"There are no current indicators that these negotiations will fulfill such terms," Barghouti continued. "Thus, we do not see any use of entering into them."
"Kerry's announced something fragile that could collapse at any moment. Until today, the US has not provided written guarantees that negotiations are based on clear measures. There are no guarantees that the Israelis will stop their settlement activities during the negotiations," he added.
"This poses a great threat since we do not want the Oslo sin to be repeated. The number of settlers is now 650,000, up from 150,000 at the time of signature," Barghouti warned. "There are also no confirmed indicators that Israel is willing to commit to a government decision to free the detainees."
When asked if the Palestinian leadership had informed them of the "consensus formula" mentioned by Kerry, Barghouti replied, "As far as we know, there is nothing concrete related to the demands. Thus the position has not changed yet."
Speaking to Al-Akhbar, PFLP-GC political leader in Palestine Hossam Arafat, called on the Palestinian Authority to "immediately retract its agreement to go back to negotiations and announce a referendum of the Palestinian people on the issue." He described the step as "a blatant and explicit liquidation of the Palestinian cause."
"Returning to negotiations at this time and under US and Israeli conditions is a very dangerous political step," Arafat explained. "It expresses the mainstream Palestinian mentality concerning the major issues. I believe the Palestinian president is duping the Palestinian people. He made a unilateral decision to return to negotiations, despite the settlement assault and Judaization of Jerusalem."
Perhaps the most notable position was given by PFLP politburo member Rabah Mohanna. He called for "holding President Mahmoud Abbas and the PLO executive committee accountable for making a decision to go back to negotiations, in violation of the rules of the council."
He called on "Palestinian masses at home and in the diaspora to go out in mass demonstrations against negotiations, which are destructive and harmful to the Palestinian cause."
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Tuesday, April 2, 2013
Photos and Video: activists execut the Emir of Qatar in Tulkarem, Hamas condemns
صور وفيديو : نشطاء يعدمون أمير قطر "الشيخ حمد بن خليفة آل ثاني" في طولكرم وحماس تدين
تاريخ النشر : 2013-04-02
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| Hamayreh: Sheikh Hamad: ahlan wasahlan (welcome to Palestine) |
أقدمت كتلة الشهيد ياسر عرفات الذراع الطلابي لحركة فتح في جامعة فلسطين التقنية "خضوري" بطولكرم على تمثيل عملية إعدام لأمير قطر الشيخ حمد بن خليفة آل ثاني، خلال الدعاية الانتخابية المخصصة لها في إطار انتخابات مجلس الطلبة.
وبحسب مصادر محلية فإن ناشطين من "كتلة الشهيد ياسر عرفات" قاموا بتعليق مجسّم لأمير قطر ورفعه في الهواء، بعد ربط حبل على عنقه ثم رددوا عبارات تطالب بإعدامه.
وأشارت المصادر إلى أن شبيبة فتح في الجامعة شنت هجوما عنيفا على أمير قطر وحركة حماس خلال فترة دعايتها الانتخابية وخلال المناظرة التي جمعت الكتل المتنافسة.
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| Former Mossad Chief Pays Tribute to Qatar |
من جهتها أدانت حركة المقاومة الإسلامية "حماس" ما أسمته "التصرف اللاأخلاقي" الذي أقدم عليه "الشبيبة" تنفيذ مشهد تمثيلي يتضمن إصدار حُكم "الإعدام" وتنفيذه بحق أمير دولة قطر الشيخ حمد بن خليفة آل ثاني، خلال الدعاية الانتخابية لمجلس الطلبة في جامعة فلسطين التقنية "خضوري" في مدينة طولكرم.
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| قطر بين سوريا و الكيان العبري .. بقلم: د. يحيى ابوزكريا |
وقال أبو زهري: "إن إساءة طلبة فتح لقطر وأميرها تسيء لسمعة شعبنا الفلسطيني وتقحمه في خلافات وصراعات مع أطراف عربية بدون أي مبرر"، مشيرًا إلى أن "أي وجهات نظر سياسية ينبغي أن يعبر عنها بطريقة لائقة ومحترمة وليس بهذه التصرفات اللامسؤولة"، على حد تعبيرها.
وأكد الناطق باسم حركة "حماس" على دور قطر في دعم القضية والشعب الفلسطيني، داعياً أمير قطر إلى "تجاوز هذه التصرفات اللامسؤولة وأن يتعامل كما عودنا دائماً من منطلق المسئولية القومية"، على حد تعبيره.
Monday, March 25, 2013
The Palestinian Dark Tunnel And The Other Arafat
![u1_010365_barghouti_marwan[1]](http://www.deliberation.info/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/u1_010365_barghouti_marwan1.jpg)
Daniel Mabsout,
The PLO has not been created to liberate Palestine but to make peace with Israel . Otherwise how can one explain the failure in achieving anything on the ground whether liberation of the land or the return of the refugees or the release of the prisoners or the protection of the sacred sites , or the stopping of the settlements building or the confi…scation of the land or at least improving of the lives of Palestinians in refugee camps ? Not one thing has been achieved not even proper sewers in the refugee camps or at least collecting garbage that accumulates in heaps.
What was this man called Arafat busy doing? He was busy liquidating the Palestinian rights and keeping his close inmates and aids and spending Saudi money on them and feeding them and entertaining them and paying for their whereabouts . There is no way Arafat was doing anything else other than what Mahmoud Abbas is doing: posing as a Palestinian and not acting like one but selling the cause to whoever bids higher . Oslo was a disaster and not one single right was retrieved and Israel had all the time to expand and resume its genocidal activities and incarcerate and arrest more Palestinians and kill more and build the wall of separation and take hold of Jerusalem and expel its population and demolish their houses in addition to the destruction of total villages and deprive people of water and impose the siege on Gaza and destroy hospitals and schools and shell the villagers and humiliate the population on Israeli check points .
This is what Arafat achieved and what we witness now in terms of the deterioration of the cause and the incapacity of the Palestinian organizations to remedy the situation or at least assess it and locate the great failures and find their cause and try to redress and straighten whatever could be redressed and straightened. It is striking that there is not the least attempt at finding who is responsible for the actual state of affairs and who is the person or the faction or the party who failed completely in achieving any of the Palestinian goals. Now we haven’t seen anything of this except to further the actual problematic situation to the point that Palestinian NGOs with their foreign affiliations have taken the situation in hand which means that Palestinians are playing now in Israelis hands since NGOS are either infiltrated or openly coordinating with Israel’s organizations. It is like when the relatives of a drunkard take responsibility of his children .
Some people say there is no way out , some others say that Marwaan al Barghouthi of the FATEH movement – who is actually in an Israeli prison-waiting like Mandela was waiting in prison- is the person required for this kind of situation , that he could bring unity among Palestinians and proceed from this point .As if all what was needed was another Arafat and for this Barghouthi seems to be the right man. And who knows if Barghouthi is not Israel’s man like Arafat was and is being kept in prison to acquire credibility . The cause finally will meet its dead end either at the hands of Abbas /Haniyya or at the hands of Barghouthi or at the hands of NGOS who have taken control .
The Palestinians are really in bad shape and in big trouble and the NGOS are hijacking the cause whose plan is mere performance and show while Israel expands and prepares its next military round.The only hope for Palestinians Lies in Syria and Hizbullah and another Intifada
Thursday, February 28, 2013
Coming Soon: Al-Nusra Front in Lebanon
These Lebanese groups have plans to merge militarily
and organizationally into a unified Lebanese chapter of al-Nusra Front. (Photo:
Marwan Tahtah)
Lebanon has become an integral part of the
plans of al-Nusra Front. Al-Qaeda’s fastest-growing offshoot is seeking to merge
Lebanon’s extreme Islamist factions into a united
front.
Al-Nusra Front was formed in Syria in 2011.
It rapidly grew into the most prominent of all the country’s armed opposition
groups once it was joined by like-minded former members of the Lebanese-based
groups Jund al-Sham and Fatah al-Islam.
In March 2012, a group led by Majed Bin-Mohammed al-Majed, Saudi emir or “commander” of the Abdullah Azzam Brigades, moved from the Ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp in South Lebanon to Syria.
In mid-February, at a location in the barren hills
surrounding the Lebanese town of Ersal, H. A. Dergham posed for pictures with
dozens of his armed followers. Under the banner of Syria’s al-Nusra
Front and behind a table draped with the Syrian “revolutionary” flag, he
brandished a rocket-propelled grenade launcher in one hand and made a victory
sign with the other.
Dergham is a principal suspect in the February
2013 attack on an army patrol near Ersal in which a
captain and lieutenant were killed and several soldiers injured. The assault
followed the attempted arrest of Khaled Hamid, who was described as the top
al-Nusra Front “facilitator” in Lebanon.
Dergham’s group also works closely with al-Nusra
Front in Syria, and has been playing a leading role in plans to establish a “branch” of the organization in Lebanon.
In March 2012, a group led by Majed Bin-Mohammed al-Majed, Saudi emir or “commander” of the Abdullah Azzam Brigades, moved from the Ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp in South Lebanon to Syria.
Their intended aim was to take over the leadership of al-Nusra Front, and replace its commander, known as Abu-Mohammed al-Joulani, with Majed. But once in Syria, many of his followers turned against him and sided with Joulani. He returned to Ain al-Hilweh.
Meanwhile, the ex-members of Fatah al-Islam and Jund al-Sham got on with the task of training and organizing Joulani’s men. Within a few months they managed to improve al-Nusra Front’s performance and organization, turning it into the most formidable armed faction in Syria and an important front for al-Qaeda’s global jihad.
Al-Nusra Front’s Reach in Lebanon
Currently, about a year and
half since its launch, the Front has a network of associated groups based in
Lebanon. Its members come from a variety of different countries, which provide
it with logistical, material, and combat support, especially in its battles in
the vicinities of Homs and Damascus.These Lebanese groups have plans to merge militarily and organizationally into a unified Lebanese chapter of al-Nusra Front. Dergham’s group is the most closely associated with the plan. Based around Ersal, it provides extensive logistical support to al-Nusra Front.
The rise of Islamist forces with an ideological affinity to al-Qaeda was aided by the declining influence of Fatah and the other Palestinian nationalist factions in Ain al-Hilweh. Their involvement in the Syrian jihad has bolstered support for their extremist views. This is at the expense of Hamas’ Usbat al-Ansar, to whom they previously used to defer in exchange for protection.
The other main component of the planned Lebanese
al-Nusra Front is the so-called Tripoli bloc, consisting mainly of Hussam
al-Sabbagh’s group of 300-400 fighters in the city. A number of smaller
groups based in North Lebanon and the Bekaa are also expected to join the merged
organization.
One proposal, espoused by Sabbagh, is to establish a single Islamic emirate spanning from North Lebanon to the Homs countryside. Another suggestion is to mount a series of surprise actions in different parts of Lebanon, with the aim of suddenly raising security tensions throughout the country, and announcing: We’re here, our time has come.
Reports indicate that the organizational steps needed to form the merged Lebanese al-Nusra Front are complete, but the Front is awaiting the right political circumstances for its launch.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Thursday, January 17, 2013
Popular Front Leader: 'Palestinian Project No Longer Exists'
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Hamas chief Khaled Mashaal (front) prays with senior
leaders of Hamas and Fatah in Gaza City, Dec. 9, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Ahmed
Jadallah)
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Every now and then, Fatah and Hamas launch new efforts to
reactivate Palestinian reconciliation. Although Qatar and Saudi Arabia
take turns sponsoring Palestinian talks, Egypt remains the official patron in
this regard.
However, reconciliation efforts today differ from previous
ones. Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi seeks to highlight his presence in this
issue, especially after having helped to implement a ceasefire following the
recent Israeli attacks on Gaza. In addition, the Muslim Brotherhood seeks to
soften Hamas's position to win favor with Washington. It appears that the
Brotherhood has thus far succeeded in its quest.
The gap between Fatah and Hamas, the most prominent
movement in the Palestinian arena, seems to have narrowed and become almost
undetectible. But they still have a long way to go before achieving reconciliation.
Both movements remain obstinate and refuse to make the slightest concession on their
respective authority, whether in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip.
The Palestinian crises seem to drag on, and the Palestinian
Authority has been gripped by severe political and financial deadlock. This has
pushed Palestinians to accept a project that would draw the Palestinian cause to
a close. Such a project could be along the lines of a confederation between the
West Bank and Jordan, or a state for Hamas in Gaza that would
be affiliated with Egypt.
Rabah Mhanna, a member of the political bureau of the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), explained the details of the
situation in an interview to As-Safir on the sidelines of a brief visit
to Lebanon.
A long-term reconciliation
According to Mhanna, three facts ought not to be overlooked
in achieving long-term reconciliation. First, ending division is an urgent
national need. “Unity is essential for the resistance, as well as for those who
wish to negotiate,” he says. Second, even if Hamas and Fatah were the original
reasons for the division, they can't put an end to the division on their own.
This was apparent in the aftermath of the conferences in Mecca and Doha, and
even after the Cairo Agreement in 2011. Third, reconciliation can be achieved
through “public pressure on both sides,” according to Mhanna.
Nevertheless, the gap between the two groups seems to have
greatly narrowed. It is true that Mahmoud Abbas has been espousing the
wrong policy since the Oslo Agreement, but Hamas has also taken different steps
in the context of the conflict with Israel. This is not something new to the
Islamic movement, Mhanna said. “Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, founder of the movement,
had previously declared that he supported a 30-year truce project, without
recognizing Israel. Hamas also signed the National Accord Charter,
which recognized the state project.”
These facts have since
proven true. Today, with the Muslim Brotherhood coming to power in Egypt,
Hamas’s policy seems to be increasingly converging with Abbas’ policy, since the
“brothers seek to become closer to the Americans” at the expense of the
Palestinian cause.
In this context, Mhanna said that “the ceasefire agreement
during the aggression on Gaza is further proof of this. The ceasefire has been
sponsored by the US. Most importantly, the agreement provided for the cessation
of hostilities on the part of Gaza.”
“The Muslim Brotherhood does not have any national project
designed to liberate Palestine. It only seeks the establishment of an Islamic
state,” Mhanna added. As a result, Egypt will work on taming Hamas to satisfy
Washington and to make the Muslim Brotherhood accepted by regional and
international regimes.
Despite the roles played by other Arab countries, Egypt has
the upper hand in the Palestinian cause.
According to Mhanna, “one of the main goals of the regional
axis — consisting of Qatar, Turkey and Egypt — is to drive Hamas out of the
resistance axis and push it toward Sunni groups, which are more in line with US
positions.”
Regarding the ambitions of the group’s political bureau
chief, Khaled Mashaal, who some see as the moderate figure in the group compared
to Hamas leadership in Gaza, Mhanna said that “while Mashaal is content with the
authority in Gaza, he has his eye on the PLO, as he believes it is an important
entity that would benefit any political force.”
Mhanna added that “the Oslo agreement sought to flatten the
PLO, and has indeed succeeded in this quest, making it appear as if it was
affiliated with the Palestinian Authority, while the exact opposite is true.
Thus, when Hamas is introduced to the region, it will lose more ground,
especially when the people find out that the Palestinian project no longer
exists.”
Mhanna said, “Hamas remains obstinate when it comes to
reconciliation, and Abbas gives it more reasons for this, especially when he
insists on holding elections.”
The leader of the Popular Front believes that Hamas’s
refusal stems from fear of the results, in addition to the commercial interests
of its leaders. They do not want to give up any authority in Gaza without
getting anything in return in the West Bank “while the project of Abbas is not
strong enough, even at the diplomatic level.” Based on that, Mehanna concludes
that “the two movements will sit together only to share the cake, not to develop
a national project”.
The dangers of confederation
The Palestinian Authority has been weak since it originated.
“It was originally designed with its entire details to be a subsidiary to
Israel. This was followed by Prime Minister Salam Fayyad’s policy against the
poor, and Abbas’ negligent policy,” Mehanna said.
However, he stresses that Israel — and Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu in particular — is not prepared for a peaceful project based
on a two-state solution, especially since Israel tends to become more radical
after legislative elections, such as those scheduled for Jan. 22. Thus the
Palestinian crisis would grow greater and the Palestinian Authority would
correspondingly grow weaker — especially since the occupation authority has
withheld tax revenues and US aid, and Arab countries, with the exception of
Algeria, failed to fulfill their promises of providing around $30 million.
Thus, Mehanna fears that Palestinians would be dragged into
accepting a project eradicating the cause. He explains that “before the Oslo
agreement, the Palestinians faced a severe economic crisis forcing them to
accept the agreement.” He added: “It is feared nowadays that the financial
crisis represents a new way to impose a project on Palestinians, namely the
possibility of forming a confederation between the West Bank and Jordan, and to
annex Gaza to Egypt. War in Gaza could also be a way to impose this sort of
project.”
The popular front is always present
Although Fatah and Hamas control the Palestinian political
scene, “the Popular Front
— despite its political and military decline — remains present in the heart of
the Palestinian people, particularly in Gaza,” Mhanna says. This is particularly
true since its leaders have not contaminated themselves with politics and are
known for their integrity.
Mhanna enumerates some indicators confirming that “the
largest leftist movement in the Arab world” imposed itself on the Palestinian
scene. During the 2006 legislative elections, it won 5% of the seats, and came
in third after Fatah and Hamas. The student and union elections gave them about
15%. Recently, the Front refused to ally with Fatah or Hamas in the West Bank
local elections, and won 21% democratically.
Unlike other movements, the Popular Front does not show off
its achievements, and secrecy still characterizes its activity, according to
Mhanna. He notes that in the recent period, the occupation forces arrested three
cells of the Front that were planning to kidnap Israeli soldiers. The actions of
the Front always represent initiatives, not reactions.
Wednesday, January 16, 2013
Prisoners' Intifada shames Palestine's leaders
By Ramzy Baroud
If Palestinian leaders only knew how extraneous their endless rounds of "unity" talks have become, they might cease enthusiastic declarations to world media about their meetings. At this point, few Palestinians are left with hope that their "leadership" has their best interests in mind. Factional interests reign supreme and personal agendas continue to define Palestine's political landscape.
Fatah and Hamas are the two major Palestinian political factions. Despite Hamas' election victory in 2006, Fatah has the upper hand. Both parties continue to play the numbers game, flexing their muscles in frivolous rallies where Palestinian flags are overshadowed with green and yellow banners, the symbols of Hamas and Fatah respectively.
This reality has
permeated Palestinian politics for decades. However, in the last two decades the
distance between the Palestinian leadership and the people has grown by a once
unimaginable distance, to the point where some
Palestinians have become a jailor, a peddling politician or even a security
coordinator working hand in hand with Israel. Perks of the 1994 Oslo
Accord have over the years created a Palestinian elite, whose interests and that
of the Israeli occupation overlap beyond recognition of where the first starts
and the other ends. While Hamas remained largely immune from the Oslo disease - Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas and his men enjoy its numerous political and economic perks - it too is becoming enthralled by the prospects of regional acceptance and international validation. Its strictly factional agenda and closeness to some corrupt Arab countries raise more than question marks and there is the prospect of it heading in the same direction as Fatah leaders did over two decades ago.
The unity charade continues.
After a period of ambiguity, Hamas chief Khaled Meshaal and Palestinian
Authority leader Abbas reportedly held meetings in Cairo to "expedite" a
reconciliation. Considering that progress is judged as keeping the status quo
between the two main factions, the word "expedite" is likely to mean and
change very little on the ground. If one was to judge by rhetoric and rival claims, the chasm continues to grow, despite the supposedly sober fact that earlier this month, on January 4 Hamas allowed Fatah to celebrate the anniversary of its birth in Gaza, while the latter did the same in the West Bank. Supporters of both parties brazenly used their parades - which took place under the watchful eyes of Israeli drones - to exhibit their strengths. This was not in relations to the Israeli military occupation, but to their own pitiful factional propaganda.
Oddly enough, if the calculations of Palestinian factions are accurate regarding the attendees of their rallies, the population of Gaza may have suddenly morphed to exceed 4 million, a remarkable jump from the 1.6 million of a few weeks ago. This is the actual number of the Gaza population per United Nations statistics.
This miserable legacy of
Palestinian factionalism can be seen against the backdrop of a slowly brewing
movement in Israeli jails. Palestinian political prisoners continue to place
their faith in their own ability to endure hunger, gaining international
solidarity with their cause. Samer Issawi, a Palestinian prisoner who as of
January 10 completed 168 days of a hunger strike in protest of his unlawful
detention by Israel, is hardly a unique phenomenon. He is an expression of the
very much present but snubbed Palestinian collective, whose fate doesn't fall
into the political agenda of any faction. Issawi is one of seven brothers, six of whom spent time in Israeli prisons for their political beliefs. One of the brothers, Fadi, was killed by Israeli soldiers in 1994, a few days after celebrating his 16th birthday. Even their sister, Shireen, was arrested by Israeli soldiers during a hearing concerning her brother Samer on December 18. On that day, "Samer was publicly beaten in the Jerusalem Magistrates Court after he tried to greet his family," reported the Palestine Monitor. "He was dragged from his wheelchair and carried away, repeatedly crying out as he was hit on his chest by the guards around him."
The Issawi family and the entire neighborhood of Issawiya in East Jerusalem is now a target for the Israeli army and police. The aim is to break the will of a single man who at present is incapable of standing on his own feet. It may be legendary, but Samer Issawi's will of steel is not an alien notion for Palestinians. According to the Adameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, over 650,000 Palestinians have been detained by the Israeli military and police since its occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza in 1967.
"Considering the fact that the majority of those detained are male, the number of Palestinians detained forms approximately 40% of the total male Palestinian population in the OPT [Occupied Palestinian Territories]," the organization wrote in a June 2012 fact-sheet. But Palestinian resistance is yet to be quelled.
"It is estimated that around 10,000 Palestinian women have been arrested by Israel since 1967. They include young girls and the elderly; some ... were the mothers of male long-term prisoners," wrote Nabil Sahli in January in the Middle East Monitor. The author has also called for an internationalization of the prisoners issue.
In a special session held on January 6 to discuss the plight of Palestinian and Arab prisoners in Israeli jails, the Arab League echoed similar demands. In a statement it called for the treatment of detainees as "prisoners of war" and called for active international efforts to secure their release.
However, serious efforts on the issue seem absent despite the repeated cries for attention by Palestinian prisoners. On April 17, 2012, at least 1,200 prisoners participated in a hunger strike to alert the world of their plight and maltreatment in Israeli jails. Despite the fact that the collective strike ended on May 14, Palestinian prisoners continue to stage hunger strikes of their own, breaking records of steadfastness unprecedented not just in Palestine, but the world over.
While calls for a change of tactics are warranted, if not urgent, there is another pressing change that must also be realized. There ought to be a change of Palestinian political culture, away from the repellent factional manipulation and towards a return to the basic values of the Palestinian struggle. It is the likes of Issawi, not Abbas that must define the new era of Palestinian resistance.
An Intifada has already been launched by thousands of Palestinian prisoners, some of whom are shackled to their hospital beds. It offers little in the way of perks aside from a chance at dignity and a leap of faith towards freedom. This is the dichotomy with which Palestinians must now wrangle. The path they will finally seek shall define this generation and demarcate the nature of the Palestinian struggle for generations to follow.
Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is: My Father was A Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press).
(Copyright 2013 Ramzy Baroud)
Monday, December 24, 2012
What happened in Yarmouk Camp: A story of Fatah and Hamas betrayal
إعداد نضال حمد
Who is Nidal Hamad
Nidal is a Palestinian refugee, of Safsaf village born in Ain AL Helweh Refugees' camp in South Lebanon in 1963, there he was raised up and studied in the biggest camp's school, where he has his thoughts and opinions grown on the revolution, and had chosen to be a part of it.
He marched with his comrades on the path to freedom, and on the Seventh of September 1982, the second day of the Sabra and Shatila Massacres, had the honor to be injured by a missile of Mirkavah tank while facing off the criminals of that massacre in the two said camps, he has got an amputated leg and suffered numerous injuries, but he did not lose hope, even more insistent on the path of confrontation and pain which in conclusion, leads to the liberation of Palestine that is inevitable.
Nidal is a Palestinian refugee, of Safsaf village born in Ain AL Helweh Refugees' camp in South Lebanon in 1963, there he was raised up and studied in the biggest camp's school, where he has his thoughts and opinions grown on the revolution, and had chosen to be a part of it.
He marched with his comrades on the path to freedom, and on the Seventh of September 1982, the second day of the Sabra and Shatila Massacres, had the honor to be injured by a missile of Mirkavah tank while facing off the criminals of that massacre in the two said camps, he has got an amputated leg and suffered numerous injuries, but he did not lose hope, even more insistent on the path of confrontation and pain which in conclusion, leads to the liberation of Palestine that is inevitable.
Nidal Hamad, a member of the Palestinian Hanadzlah School, founded by artist Martyr Naji Al-Ali .. It is the belong to all Palestine and the fight and confronting the reporters
الثلاثاء الموافق 18-12-2012
مرحبا أخ نضال
أنا كنت موجود داخل مبنى الخالصة والحمد لله نحن بخير و سلامة
اذا موجود ياريت نتواصل عشان أخبرك شو صار معنا بالتفصيل
وشكرا لك ولمواقفك المشرفة لان نحن بزمن فيه الشرفاء كثير قلالنضال : لا شكر على موقف وطني ... و الحمد لله على سلامتك أنت والشباب إلي كانوا في الخالصة. والرحمة على أرواح الشهداء. احكي لي أولا وقبل ما نرجع لموضوع الخالصة .. المخيم الآن كله تحت سيطرة الجيش الحر؟
نعم الآن كل المخيم تحت سيطرة الجيش الحر ، نحن يوم أمس قدرنا ننسحب والمخيم شبه خالي
أنا كنت موجود داخل مبنى الخالصة والحمد لله نحن بخير و سلامة
اذا موجود ياريت نتواصل عشان أخبرك شو صار معنا بالتفصيل
وشكرا لك ولمواقفك المشرفة لان نحن بزمن فيه الشرفاء كثير قلالنضال : لا شكر على موقف وطني ... و الحمد لله على سلامتك أنت والشباب إلي كانوا في الخالصة. والرحمة على أرواح الشهداء. احكي لي أولا وقبل ما نرجع لموضوع الخالصة .. المخيم الآن كله تحت سيطرة الجيش الحر؟
نعم الآن كل المخيم تحت سيطرة الجيش الحر ، نحن يوم أمس قدرنا ننسحب والمخيم شبه خالي
نضال : لكن كيف سقطت الخالصة؟
تعرضنا لحصار كبير ، وحاصرتنا أعداد كبيرة ، لا استطيع تحديد العدد لكنها كثيرة جدا. الحصار تم من كل مكان
نضال : نتيجة الخيانة؟
تعرضنا لحصار كبير ، وحاصرتنا أعداد كبيرة ، لا استطيع تحديد العدد لكنها كثيرة جدا. الحصار تم من كل مكان
نضال : نتيجة الخيانة؟
أكيد الخيانة هي التي أسقطت مخيم اليرموك
نحن كنا عاملين انتشار ومسكرين الشوارع المحيطة من كل الجهات
نحن كنا عاملين انتشار ومسكرين الشوارع المحيطة من كل الجهات
نضال : لكن كيف صار الاختراق؟
الاختراق تم من مجموعات للجان الشعبية الموجودة في دوار فلسطين
هل هو أبو هادي السهلي الذي قاد الهجوم على الخالصة؟
نعم ابو هادي السهلي ولكن لم يكن لوحده مع العلم انه هو الذي كسر المخيم بخيانته
دخل الجيش الحر من هناك وهاجموا المجموعة التي كانت ترابط في منطقة دوار فلسطين.. بموقع المشفى وتمت مهاجمتها من الخلف وذلك أثناء الهجوم أيضا من جهة يلدا
والمجموعة ما قدرت تصمد وانسحبت .. هم الشرفاء الذين كانوا بالدوار وجمعوا حالهم واشتبكوا وانسحبوا باتجاه مقر الخالصة . وكل المجموعات التي كانت بالمخيم انسحبت باتجاه مقر الخالصة. و شكلنا هناك مربع.
نضال : هل كان هناك عناصر من فصائل غير القيادة العامة تقاتل في المخيم ضد الجيش الحر وجبهة النصرة؟
لا لم يكن أي شخص آخر من التنظيمات الأخرى
نضال : لأنه ما معهم سلاح أو لأنهم ما بدهم يدافعوا ويقاتلوا؟
لأنهم ما بدهم..وفي من فتح وحماس قاتلوا ضدنا
نضال : عليهم اللعنة
هم ناطرين يصيروا قادة ومعظمهم ينسقون مع المعارضة
وحماس وفتح هم الذين استطلعوا وأدخلوهم وسهلوا كل شي للجيش الحر.
نضال : يعني حماس وفتح أصل البلاء في اليرموك؟
نعم ولكن في من طرفنا شخصين خانا ..
نضال : من القيادة العامة؟
نضال : معلوماتي تقول ان بعض الأعضاء من القيادة العامة مثل ابو عبيدة السخنيني وهو ضابط من الجبهة ، ومن أبناء مخيم حماة ، وكذلك محمود ابو زرد من مخيم اليرموك هما مع السهلي ابو هادي من خانوا المخيم وسلموا المحاور للجيش الحر.
بالنسبة لأبي عبيدة وابو زرد هما من خانا الجبهة والمخيم ، والسهلي سلم المخيم.... سمعت أنهم نعوا أبو عبيدة قبل شوية ..
والمجموعة ما قدرت تصمد وانسحبت .. هم الشرفاء الذين كانوا بالدوار وجمعوا حالهم واشتبكوا وانسحبوا باتجاه مقر الخالصة . وكل المجموعات التي كانت بالمخيم انسحبت باتجاه مقر الخالصة. و شكلنا هناك مربع.
نضال : هل كان هناك عناصر من فصائل غير القيادة العامة تقاتل في المخيم ضد الجيش الحر وجبهة النصرة؟
لا لم يكن أي شخص آخر من التنظيمات الأخرى
نضال : لأنه ما معهم سلاح أو لأنهم ما بدهم يدافعوا ويقاتلوا؟
لأنهم ما بدهم..وفي من فتح وحماس قاتلوا ضدنا
نضال : عليهم اللعنة
هم ناطرين يصيروا قادة ومعظمهم ينسقون مع المعارضة
وحماس وفتح هم الذين استطلعوا وأدخلوهم وسهلوا كل شي للجيش الحر.
نضال : يعني حماس وفتح أصل البلاء في اليرموك؟
نعم ولكن في من طرفنا شخصين خانا ..
نضال : من القيادة العامة؟
نضال : معلوماتي تقول ان بعض الأعضاء من القيادة العامة مثل ابو عبيدة السخنيني وهو ضابط من الجبهة ، ومن أبناء مخيم حماة ، وكذلك محمود ابو زرد من مخيم اليرموك هما مع السهلي ابو هادي من خانوا المخيم وسلموا المحاور للجيش الحر.
بالنسبة لأبي عبيدة وابو زرد هما من خانا الجبهة والمخيم ، والسهلي سلم المخيم.... سمعت أنهم نعوا أبو عبيدة قبل شوية ..
نضال : (فعلا تم نعيه من قبل صفحات المعارضة السورية والفلسطينية المتعاونة معها).
صحيح ابو عبيدة من مخيم حماه وابو زرد من مخيم اليرموك ، ومعلوماتنا في الجبهة بتفيد انو ابو عبيدة مات من أول يوم
لدينا 4 شهداء في الخالصة لم نتمكن من سحبهم. منهم الشهيد محمد جويد ابو سليم وهو ليس عضوا في الجبهة لكنه صمد وقاتل معنا 6 أيام في الخالصة ورفض تركنا والخروج الى بيته. استشهد معنا في الخالصة يوم عملية خرق الحصار والانسحاب.
ثاني يوم من الحصار كان في مفاوضات معنا على تسليم أنفسنا مقابل الامان
نضال : سمعت هذا الخبر على سكاي نيوز عربية
اي صحيح ، وكان هناك رفض من الجميع للموضوع فنحن باقون لنموت ولا بنخون
والحمد لله ولا واحد من المقاتلين في الخالصة قبل يسلم نفسه أو يخرج من المقر.
ثم الكل قرأ الفاتحة واتكلنا على الله
وفي نفس الوقت كان رفاقنا يجمعون قواهم عند أول المخيم ويتواصلوا معنا لأجل الدعم والمساعدة وكي يدخلوا معنا في المعركة.
وفي اليوم الثاني كانت معركة كبيرة.
ولله ولله ولله راح منهم كثير
لانه كان القتال دفاع عن الحياة
في فيديو نزلوه وهم تحت الخالصة
وقتها في ضرب 4 قذائف بي7 متتالية عليهم
وكل شي حولينا كان مقنوصا الشوارع
وبأخر الفيديو هم لم يكملوه .. سترى رمي قنابل عليهم من فوق
وسوف يوقفوا التصوير الفيديو بسبب القنابل ما قدروا يهربوا منها
نضال :اين هذا الفيديو؟
صحيح ابو عبيدة من مخيم حماه وابو زرد من مخيم اليرموك ، ومعلوماتنا في الجبهة بتفيد انو ابو عبيدة مات من أول يوم
لدينا 4 شهداء في الخالصة لم نتمكن من سحبهم. منهم الشهيد محمد جويد ابو سليم وهو ليس عضوا في الجبهة لكنه صمد وقاتل معنا 6 أيام في الخالصة ورفض تركنا والخروج الى بيته. استشهد معنا في الخالصة يوم عملية خرق الحصار والانسحاب.
ثاني يوم من الحصار كان في مفاوضات معنا على تسليم أنفسنا مقابل الامان
نضال : سمعت هذا الخبر على سكاي نيوز عربية
اي صحيح ، وكان هناك رفض من الجميع للموضوع فنحن باقون لنموت ولا بنخون
والحمد لله ولا واحد من المقاتلين في الخالصة قبل يسلم نفسه أو يخرج من المقر.
ثم الكل قرأ الفاتحة واتكلنا على الله
وفي نفس الوقت كان رفاقنا يجمعون قواهم عند أول المخيم ويتواصلوا معنا لأجل الدعم والمساعدة وكي يدخلوا معنا في المعركة.
وفي اليوم الثاني كانت معركة كبيرة.
ولله ولله ولله راح منهم كثير
لانه كان القتال دفاع عن الحياة
في فيديو نزلوه وهم تحت الخالصة
وقتها في ضرب 4 قذائف بي7 متتالية عليهم
وكل شي حولينا كان مقنوصا الشوارع
وبأخر الفيديو هم لم يكملوه .. سترى رمي قنابل عليهم من فوق
وسوف يوقفوا التصوير الفيديو بسبب القنابل ما قدروا يهربوا منها
نضال :اين هذا الفيديو؟
هنا
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKVI7OuuN-c&feature=youtu.be
ونحن كنا مرهقين كثيرا لأننا لم ننم لأكثر من يومين متتاليين ولا لحظة
وما كنا مرتاحين مع ضغط نفسي من الأهل والناس والكل علينا
وأنت عارف خوف الأهل كيف
.نضال : طبعا
أخر شي قررنا نعمل هجوم كبير عليهم وكسر الحصار
نضال : حاصر حصارك لا مفر.
وبنفس الوقت كنا مع رفاقنا في تنسيق على أن يدخلوا من شارع ال30 ويهاجموا لنكسر الحصار وننسحب . يا بنموت عشان ما نستسلم وتطلع صورنا ويفرحوا باستسلامنا
نضال : مسافة طويلة عسكريا من الثلاثين الى الخالصة
شارع ال30 موازي لشارع اليرموك نفس المسافة تقريبا ونحن كنا بآخره ، طبعا مسافة كبيرة ، لكن ما كان في حل عندنا . وضعنا كان مزري الصراحة
وكنا خائفين على الجرحى كمان.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKVI7OuuN-c&feature=youtu.be
ونحن كنا مرهقين كثيرا لأننا لم ننم لأكثر من يومين متتاليين ولا لحظة
وما كنا مرتاحين مع ضغط نفسي من الأهل والناس والكل علينا
وأنت عارف خوف الأهل كيف
.نضال : طبعا
أخر شي قررنا نعمل هجوم كبير عليهم وكسر الحصار
نضال : حاصر حصارك لا مفر.
وبنفس الوقت كنا مع رفاقنا في تنسيق على أن يدخلوا من شارع ال30 ويهاجموا لنكسر الحصار وننسحب . يا بنموت عشان ما نستسلم وتطلع صورنا ويفرحوا باستسلامنا
نضال : مسافة طويلة عسكريا من الثلاثين الى الخالصة
شارع ال30 موازي لشارع اليرموك نفس المسافة تقريبا ونحن كنا بآخره ، طبعا مسافة كبيرة ، لكن ما كان في حل عندنا . وضعنا كان مزري الصراحة
وكنا خائفين على الجرحى كمان.
نضال : كم جريح
ثمانية جرحى ...
وبالفعل والحمد لله قدرنا نكسر الحصار بعد هجوم واشتباكات
واذا بتشوف اليوم الفيديو يلي نزلوه الكلاب لشارع ال15
بتعرف لحالك اديش كانت المعركة كبيرة
نضال : اين الفيديو؟
لحظة ابعتلك رابط الفيديو
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=optKddzFJpU&feature=youtu.be
نضال : على فكرة صديقي المبدع رشاد ابوشاور يحييكم بشدة.. أمس واليوم كنا نحكي بموضوع المخيم ومن اجل إنصافكم انتم وقائدكم أبو جهاد احمد والقيادة العامة في زمن الخيانة بالمخيم.
الله يخليكم ولله ويحمي الشرفاء أمثالكم نحن بحاجتكم تكونوا معنا
وقدرنا أخر شيء بعد معركة قوية جدا والدعم الذي وصلنا من رفاقنا ان نفتح ثغرة والانسحاب باتجاه شارع ال30 نحن والجرحى الثمانية..
نضال : كيف انتهت وكيف نقلتم الشهداء؟
الشهداء تركناهم لأنه ما كان فينا نسحبهم معنا وهذا شي اثر علينا كثيرا وهناك بعض المقاتلين بكوا حين ودعوا الشهداء بالخالصة.
نضال : ماذا عن الجيش الرسمي السوري ألم يساعدكم؟
نحن قاتلنا 5 ايام كلها اشتباكات ولم نتلقى اي دعم من الجيش السوري.
نحن حاولنا بكل قدرتنا نوقف عملية احتلال المخيم ولكن ما قدرنا ... سامحونا
نحن حاولنا بكل قدرتنا نوقف عملية احتلال المخيم ولكن ما قدرنا ... سامحونا
نضال : انتم عملتم إلي عليكم
في الختام : اعطيك معلومات عن الشهيد محمد جويد ابو سليم هو ليس من الجبهة ولا من اللجان ولكن له أقارب في الجبهة هو قريب الشهيد ابو حسون وحسون كنجو
.من 6 أيام ما تركنا وما قبل يمشي وكان آخر كلام له انه يموت ولا يخرج من الخالصة ونال الشهادة بأرض المخيم
واليوم لما نشروا صورته وهو شهيد كان مبتسما
نضال : الصورة منشورة للأسف على رابط لموقع مؤيد للجيش الحر
نضال : أنا على فكرة كنت عم بكتب مقالة عن اليرموك لما وصلت رسالتك للحديث هنا وكنت وصلت لنصف المقالة تقريبا، وذكرت فتح وحماس بالاسم والمواقف.
نضال : أنا على فكرة كنت عم بكتب مقالة عن اليرموك لما وصلت رسالتك للحديث هنا وكنت وصلت لنصف المقالة تقريبا، وذكرت فتح وحماس بالاسم والمواقف.
معلوماتك هذه مفيدة كثير لي لتكملة المقالة الليلة أو يوم الغد.
شكرا .. والى اللقاء ..
ايها المقاتل الفدائي يا ابن المخيم والقواعد وجيل التحرير أقول لك ولرفاقك المدافعين عن المخيم : هذا زمن الخيانة وأصحاب سياسة النأي بالنفس والحياد الكاذب .. اخجل من هكذا فصائل إما تفرجت على استباحة المخيم واحتلاله وإما شارك أنصارها في خيانة المخيم وأهله وفي تسليمه لقطعان الجيش الحر وجبهة النصرة.
انتهت المكالمة مع الفدائي المجهول وفكرت بعدها لماذا لا أنشر المكالمة كما كانت مع تعديلات بسيطة بسبب العربية العامية المستخدمة في الكتابة.
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موضوع شبيه
كادر سياسي من مخيم اليرموك يعلن البراءة من منظمة التحرير والفصائل الفلسطينية
Press statement Issued by all Palestinian resistance factions in Syria, with the exception of Hamas
Press statement Issued by all Palestinian resistance factions in Syria, with the exception of Hamas
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