by JEFF
KLEIN
As Mitt Romney completes his electoral swing through
Jerusalem, it is tempting to view this as just a cynical campaign maneuver. No
doubt the candidate – in an effort coordinated the Republican Jewish Coalition
and Bill Kristol’s Emergency Committee for Israel — aims to peel off some Jewish
support from Obama, especially in states like Florida, and to seek votes from
the large right-wing Israeli-American expat community. Also, a fundraising
affair in Jerusalem ($50,000 minimum ticket) promises to add quite a few shekels
to his campaign coffers. But that’s only part of the story.
Romney is no Willard-come-lately when it comes to
serving the interests of Israel. His ties to the Israeli Right and especially
Likud Party President Benjamin Netanyahu go back many years. Mitt met Ben in
when the two were business school graduates in Boston. Romney, with a Harvard
MBA, and Netanyahu (then calling himself “Benjamin Nitai”) from MIT’s Sloan
School, worked together at The Boston Consulting Group in 1976. Their close
relationship continued over the years, through the various political ups and
downs experienced by the ambitious duo.
When Romney left office after one term as Governor his
presidential ambitions were already obvious. Only a few days after his
successor, Deval Patrick, was inaugurated on January 4, 2007, Romney effectively
launched his campaign for the White House — not in Massachusetts or Utah, but in
Israel. On January 20, the brand-new ex-Governor flew off to Herzliya for the
annual Interdisciplinary Security Conference, whose theme that year was “Still
Time to Stop Iran”. (he was not alone; aspiring candidates Newt Gingrich, Rudy
Giuliani and John McCain also spoke, though via satellite, to the assembled
delegates.)
The next day, Romney was in the audience to hear
Netanyahu – Likud Party leader but then out of elected office — address the
Conference:
…on the economic level, we are taking action to advance
voluntary sanctions on Iran… A historic example of this is the action taken
against the Apartheid regime in South Africa… An operation is needed here that
isn’t partial, that is coordinated, and that Israel needs to lead. First and
foremost, the action needs to focus on the United States, and must kickstart
Jewish public opinion, the Congress and the Senate, American media, economic
forces, and the average citizens.
Whether Netanyahu thought up this idea on his own– he
had been in the US during the 1980’s when the grassroots campaign for divestment
from South African Apartheid took off – or if it was whispered in his ear by any
of the numerous US right-wing Zionists in his circle, is impossible to know for
certain. The idea for a US Iran divestment campaign had already been floated in
a 2006 paper by Christopher Holton, who later became head of the “Divest Terror
Initiative” at Gaffney’s extremist right-wing and anti-Islam Center for Security
Policy.
Romney had dinner with Netanyahu in Jerusalem the next
evening, where the two planned how to organize the proposed anti-Iran divestment
campaign. A couple days later, on January 23, Romney addressed the Herzliya
Conference, with his own call “for economic sanctions against Iran ‘at least as
severe’ as those imposed on South Africa during its apartheid era, in an effort
to isolate the Central Asian nation and convince it to give up its pursuit of a
nuclear weapon.”
He continued:
In my meetings in Israel this week, I have become aware
of a potential US pension system to further isolate the Iranian economy. We
should explore a selective disinvestment policy. After a series of briefings
here, I actually contacted the Treasurer of my own state of Massachusetts and
the Governors of some of the neighboring states to begin this
process.
Netanyahu, however, was not on hand for Romney’s speech.
He was already in Boston that day to meet with Massachusetts State Treasurer Tim
Cahill, influential legislators and leaders of the local Jewish community. The
response to the proposal from Massachusetts state officials was apparently
lukewarm at first. Cahill said he would examine the idea, but that any action
would have to be approved by the legislature.
Meanwhile, members of the Boston Jewish Community
Relations Council pressed the issue more widely, arguing at the February
national meeting of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs “to form a ’Stop Iran’
coalition that would launch political, economic and educational initiatives
against the Iranian nuclear threat, including a mass demonstration in Washington
and a divestment campaign.” But the rest of the delegates were skittish.
Jewish-American opinion had turned decisively against the Iraq war and there was
little stomach for another campaign that could climax in a military
confrontation against Iran. Not only that, but Walt and Mearsheimer’s essay on
The Israel Lobby had already appeared in the London Review of Books and there
was intense nervousness about what might be perceived as another
Jewish-establishment and Israel-supported military
confrontation.
It took AIPAC to whip the troops into line. On March 13,
2007 Haaretz reported that “various Israeli sources and the pro-Israel lobby,
the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), are also contributing to
the efforts, particularly through specific legislation in various American
states where pension funds hold stock in firms invested in Iran.” At its annual
Washington DC Policy Conference later in the same month there were at least two
panels on Iran divestment and the tactic was formally adopted after a
closed-door meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu. Vice-President Dick Cheney got a
warm reception from the AIPAC delegates, but all the 2008 presidential
candidates were also there. Obama’s speech – apparently written by WINEP’s
Dennis Ross, among others — was full of threats to punish Iran and referred to
Jerusalem as “Israel’s eternal and undivided capital.”
By May 9, AIPAC published its memo “Divestment: An
Important Tool in Preventing Nuclear Iran” advocating “state-level campaigns to
divest public pension plans from companies investing in Iran’s oil and natural
gas sector provide another means to pressure the regime.” Preparations got under
way for a strategic – and bi-partisan — state-by-state campaign for Iran
divestment.
However, there were some concerns about the legality of
such state-based initiatives. Earlier court decisions had struck down similar
efforts as usurping federal powers and unlawful restraints on trade; there were
also fears of corporate or investor damage suits if plaintiffs could show
financial harm. So lawyers at AIPAC duly arranged for the filing of
Congressional legislation on May 16: H.R. 2347, Iran Sanctions Enabling Act of
2007; a parallel and identical bill was launched in the Senate on the next
day
HR 2347 was fast-tracked in the House and passed 408-6
on July 31, 2007. However, in the Senate, where procedural rules allow a bill to
be put on hold, the legislation was blocked by Republican Senator Richard Shelby
of Alabama, reportedly at the request of the Bush administration. To the
discomfort of AIPAC and advocates of confrontation with Iran, Bush apparently
felt that two disastrous wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were more than enough for
the time being; and in any case, sitting presidents usually oppose having their
hands tied by Congress on foreign affairs.
Nevertheless, the state-by-state divestment campaign
took off. The legalities mattered little in the end because the effort really
aimed to stir up public hostility against the Iranian regime and prepare the way
for possible armed confrontation later. The practical effect of this first round
of Iran sanctions was mainly symbolic, but served to open another front in the
strategic propaganda war against Iran.
The divestment campaign marched relentlessly from state
to state with depressing uniformity. Everywhere the legislative initiatives was
launched and trumpeted by the local Jewish communal organizations and in the
Jewish press, by AIPAC supporters, in the Neocon blogosphere and sometimes among
local pro-Israel Christian fundamentalists. Sometimes token allies would be
rounded up– in the labor movement or in communities of color– but this did
little to disguise the true source of the effort. The so-called grassroots
campaign was strictly Zionist astro-turf.
Florida was the first state to enact an Iran divestment
law on June 8, 2007, followed by Louisiana (July 9), Illinois (September 11),
California (October 14) – with little publicity and usually no organized
opposition. Eventually the list included New Jersey, Ohio, Georgia, Mississippi,
Iowa, Texas, Colorado, and Washington State, reaching 17 states plus the
District of Columbia and many city councils too. I gave up counting when the
wave reached Alaska. Occasionally a divestment bill was delayed or even
defeated, as in Maine, when pension boards or public sector unions took notice
of possible damage to state retirement fund bottom lines. More often the law was
passed with little fanfare.
What about Massachusetts — where, thanks to Romney, the
Iran divestment effort all began? It wasn’t in the first, or even the second
wave of states to pass a divestment bill. The local legislative calendar did not
allow the introducing a new bill until 2008 and by then it was possible to
muster some opposition in coordination with a few determined state legislators,
the head of the Massachusetts pension investment board and the State Treasurer
(at least before he changed his opinion after deciding to run for governor).
Embarrassingly, the Massachusetts divestment bill, camouflaged as “An Act
Protecting Pension Fund Investments from the Global Securities Risk of
Investment in Iran,” was defeated first time out and only passed two years later
after some serious arm twisting by pro-Israel lobbyists and legislative leaders.
Democratic candidate for State Treasure Steve Grossman, a former national AIPAC
president, boasted proudly of his role, not in his campaign literature but in
the pages of The Jerusalem Post.
It’s worth emphasizing that the campaign against Iran
was and remains “bi-partisan” in character. The Iran Divestment Enabling Act of
2007 was not the product of some Southern Republican or Neocon mouthpiece in
Congress, but was introduced by that well-known Massachusetts “Progressive”
Barney Frank. The matching Senate bill was sponsored by an ambitious young
freshman from Illinois named Barack Obama, — who later signed it into law during
his first year as President.
By now Obama is learning the perils of electoral
pandering to the Israel Lobby. Ever more extreme AIPAC-written Iran sanction
bills –some over the tepid opposition of his administration — have poured out of
Congress. The political pressure mounts to compel armed confrontation rather
than diplomacy with Iran and for the President to prove his fealty to Israel by
one concession after another. The bar is constantly raised, so that no increase
in military aid or security cooperation with Israel, no amount of bellicose
rhetoric or overt preparation for military attack on Iran will ever suffice to
prove that Obama is a “true friend” of the Jewish State. The President is
learning – perhaps too late – that feeding the Israeli crocodile never
works.
Meanwhile in Jerusalem on Sunday, Netanyahu — with
Romney at his side — was smiling his crocodile smile in preparation to making
Obama his next meal. And Sheldon Adelson was close by, writing another big
check.
JEFF KLEIN is a retired union president, political observer and
long-time international solidarity activist.







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